Looking back is sometimes helpful, not least when talking about elections. Calling up Sweden 2010, there were two outspoken pre-electoral coalitions: the incumbent Centre-Right and a
Socialist-Green alternative. There were a couple of parties somewhat at risk of falling below the
threshold. Before the election, Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt
outspokenly encouraged voters to cast a strategic vote for the Centre-Right to keep the upcoming xenophobic Sweden Democrats out of power.
In
the end, all seven parliamentary parties, and the Sweden Democrats, made
it to the parliament and the Centre-Right government was elected to stay in
office. Looking more closely at what happened, data from the 2010 Swedish
National Election study shows that it would have been difficult for the
Christian Democrats, included in the incumbent coalition, to make it if it weren't for strategic votes. When comparing voters’ first preferences in the pre-election
study with their final vote choice, it appears that among those who voted for
the Christian Democrats, a majority actually had the largest party in the
coalition – the Moderate Party – as their most preferred party:
First party preference and vote for
Christian Democrats (KD)
Preference (%)
|
|
Left
Party (V)
|
1,9
|
Social
Democrats (S)
|
3,8
|
Centre
Party (C)
|
18,9
|
People’s
Party Liberals (FP)
|
13,2
|
Moderate
Party (M)
|
50,9
|
Christian
Democrats (KD)
|
49,1
|
Green Party
(MP)
|
9,4
|
Sweden
Democrats (SD)
|
0,0
|
n
|
53
|
percent KD votes
|
6,1
|
NOTE: Pre-election
sample, voters who voted for other parties excluded. Preference(s) based on
voters’ highest score on 11-point sympathy scale, including ties, (= possible to have two or more parties highest scored).
|
This indicates that voters had other reasons than sincere party
preference to choose the Christian Democrats. Furthermore, when using a more specific measurement of "threshold incentives" (motives to vote for a party because it is in danger of not reaching the threshold to the parliament) and controlling for other factors important for
vote choice, such as party identification and number of socio-economic variables,
the chances to vote for the Christian Democrats increases by a quarter. These analyses also show that in this election it was the
Christian Democrats and not so much the other small parties that benefited from
strategic votes.
In the 2010 Swedish national election, motives related to
the electoral threshold and considerations of government outcomes had a
substantial impact in voting for the Christian Democrats. There was a movement
from the other Centre-Right parties, in particular the Moderate Party, to this party. This year Sweden is approaching a
new general election annd the coalition alternatives are not as set as
last time. This analysis of the previous election indicates
that the Christian Democrats have a group of potential strategic votes. Still, no
strategic votes can be taken for granted.
For full paper and analysis of the 2010 Swedish General Election, see
Journal of Elections, Public
Opinion and Parties, published online
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